My original plan (which I ended up doing) was to go to law school after college, but the example of Paul Wolfowitz tempted me MANY TIMES to abandon my law school dreams and instead seek an MPP or Poli Sci PhD and attempt to follow in Paul Wolfowitz's footsteps and get a job in the DoD bureaucracy

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35576971)

NOT FLAME, many years later in Admin Law as a 3L I learned that this was in fact true.

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35577012)

this was all in like 2002 - 2003

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35577101)

https://ssl.c.photoshelter.com/img-get2/I0000kNJ8AMxsiH8/fit=1000x750/IRQ-040425-JPH-PS113.jpg

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35577128)

my more shitlibby Poli Sci classmates idolized him the way I idolized Wolfy

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35577115)

faggot

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35580207)

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35582233)

White Man's Burden

The war in Iraq was conceived by 25 neoconservative intellectuals, most of them Jewish, who are pushing President Bush to change the course of history. Two of them, journalists William Kristol and Charles Krauthammer, say it's possible. But another journalist, Thomas Friedman (not part of the group), is skeptical

Ari Shavit

03.04.2003 | 00:00

https://www.haaretz.com/1.4764706

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35582210)

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Neoconservatism

Through the 1950s and early 1960s, the future neoconservatives had endorsed the American civil rights movement, racial integration and Martin Luther King Jr.[22] From the 1950s to the 1960s, there was general endorsement among liberals for military action to prevent a communist victory in Vietnam.[23]

Neoconservatism was initiated by the repudiation of the Cold War by the American New Left; Black Power, which accused white liberals and Northern Jews of hypocrisy on integration and of supporting settler colonialism in the Israeli-Palestine conflict; "anti-anticommunism", which during the late 1960s included substantial endorsement of Marxist�Leninist politics; and the "new politics" of the New left, which Norman Podheretz said was too close to the counterculture and too alienated from the majority of the population. Many were particularly alarmed by what they claimed were antisemitic sentiments from Black Power advocates.[24] Irving Kristol edited the journal The Public Interest (1965�2005), featuring economists and political scientists, which emphasized ways that government planning in the liberal state had produced unintended harmful consequences.[25] Many early Neoconservative political figures were disillusioned Democratic politicians and intellectuals, such as Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who served in the Nixon Administration, and Jeane Kirkpatrick, who served as President Ronald Reagan's United Nations (UN) Ambassador.

A substantial number of neoconservatives were originally moderate socialists associated with the right-wing of the Socialist Party of America (SP) and its successor, Social Democrats, USA (SDUSA). Max Shachtman, a former Trotskyist theorist who developed a strong antipathy towards the New Left, had numerous devotees among SDUSA with strong links to George Meany's AFL-CIO. Following Shachtman and Meany, this faction led the SP to oppose immediate withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and oppose George McGovern in the Democratic primary race (and to some extent, the general election). They also chose to cease their own party-building and concentrated on working within the Democratic Party, eventually influencing it through the Democratic Leadership Council.[26] Thus the Socialist Party ceased to be in 1972 and SDUSA emerged (Most of the left-wing of the party, led by Michael Harrington, immediately abandoned SDUSA).[27][28] SDUSA leaders associated with neoconservatism include Carl Gershman, Penn Kemble, Joshua Muravchik and Bayard Rustin.[29][30][31][32]

Norman Podhoretz's magazine Commentary of the American Jewish Committee, originally a journal of liberalism, became a major publication for neoconservatives during the 1970s. Commentary published an article by Jeane Kirkpatrick, an early and prototypical neoconservative, albeit not a New Yorker.

New York Intellectuals Edit

Many neoconservatives had been Jewish intellectuals in New York City during the 1930s. They were on the political left, but strongly opposed Stalinism and some were Trotskyists. During the Cold War they continued to oppose Stalinism and to endorse democracy. The great majority became liberal Democrats.[33][34]

Rejecting the American New Left and McGovern's New Politics Edit

As the policies of the New Left made the Democrats increasingly leftist, these intellectuals became disillusioned with President Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society domestic programs. The influential 1970 bestseller The Real Majority by Ben Wattenberg expressed that the "real majority" of the electorate endorsed economic liberalism, but also social conservatism; and warned Democrats it could be disastrous to adopt liberal positions on certain social and crime issues.[35]

The neoconservatives rejected the counterculture New Left and what they considered anti-Americanism in the non-interventionism of the activism against the Vietnam War. After the anti-war faction took control of the party during 1972 and nominated George McGovern, the Democrats among them endorsed Washington Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson instead for his unsuccessful 1972 and 1976 campaigns for president. Among those who worked for Jackson were incipient neoconservatives Paul Wolfowitz, Doug Feith, and Richard Perle.[36] During the late 1970s, neoconservatives tended to endorse Ronald Reagan, the Republican who promised to confront Soviet expansionism. Neoconservatives organized in the American Enterprise Institute and The Heritage Foundation to counter the liberal establishment.[37]

In another (2004) article, Michael Lind also wrote:[38]

Neoconservatism ... originated in the 1970s as a movement of anti-Soviet liberals and social democrats in the tradition of Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, Humphrey and Henry ('Scoop') Jackson, many of whom preferred to call themselves 'paleoliberals.' [After the end of the Cold War] ... many 'paleoliberals' drifted back to the Democratic center ... Today's neocons are a shrunken remnant of the original broad neocon coalition. Nevertheless, the origins of their ideology on the left are still apparent. The fact that most of the younger neocons were never on the left is irrelevant; they are the intellectual (and, in the case of William Kristol and John Podhoretz, the literal) heirs of older ex-leftists.

Leo Strauss and his students Edit

Neoconservatism draws on several intellectual traditions. The students of political science Professor Leo Strauss (1899�1973) comprised one major group. Eugene Sheppard notes: "Much scholarship tends to understand Strauss as an inspirational founder of American neoconservatism".[39] Strauss was a refugee from Nazi Germany who taught at the New School for Social Research in New York (1939�1949) and the University of Chicago (1949�1958).[40]

Strauss asserted that "the crisis of the West consists in the West's having become uncertain of its purpose". His solution was a restoration of the vital ideas and faith that in the past had sustained the moral purpose of the West. The Greek classics (classical republican and modern republican), political philosophy and the Judeo-Christian heritage are the essentials of the Great Tradition in Strauss's work.[41][42] Strauss emphasized the spirit of the Greek classics and Thomas G. West (1991) argues that for Strauss the American Founding Fathers were correct in their understanding of the classics in their principles of justice.

For Strauss, political community is defined by convictions about justice and happiness rather than by sovereignty and force. He repudiated the philosophy of John Locke as a bridge to 20th-century historicism and nihilism and defended liberal democracy as closer to the spirit of the classics than other modern regimes.[43] For Strauss, the American awareness of ineradicable evil in human nature and hence the need for morality, was a beneficial outgrowth of the premodern Western tradition.[44] O'Neill (2009) notes that Strauss wrote little about American topics, but his students wrote a great deal and that Strauss's influence caused his students to reject historicism and positivism as morally relativist positions.[45] They instead promoted a so-called Aristotelian perspective on America that produced a qualified defense of its liberal constitutionalism.[46] Strauss's emphasis on moral clarity led the Straussians to develop an approach to international relations that Catherine and Michael Zuckert (2008) call Straussian Wilsonianism (or Straussian idealism), the defense of liberal democracy in the face of its vulnerability.[45][47]

Strauss influenced Weekly Standard editor William Kristol, editor John Podhoretz and military strategist Paul Wolfowitz

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35582358)

neocons were wrong about how easy it would be to set up a democracy in Iraq - but they were patriotic bros who stood with their country against globalism. I will not allow you to blood libel them here.

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35582382)

yfwgi

how did they stand with the US against globalism?

(http://www.autoadmit.com/thread.php?thread_id=3915171&forum_id=2#35582400)